There were, nonetheless, many distinctions and differences that characterized each of these two Initiatives, even though they were both administered and managed by the Bureau of Land Management on the federal level. It could be stated that the major dividing point came in 1992 at the time of the Clinton presidency, ushering out the era of President Bush whose philosophical stance was far more pro-industrial than that of his successors. However, this perspective would prove to be far too simplistic and, hence, inaccurate if it were to be pursued. The actual scenario underlying the differences between the 1985 and 1991 Initiatives involved a multiplicity of factors.

This paper will examine policy models and processes in an attempt to demonstrate the shifting of priorities between the two Initiatives, and to reveal some of the dynamic forces, such as values and standards that changed throughout the years. Indeed, objectives and methodologies were discernibly influenced by social, political, and environmental concerns about the survivability of the nation’s riparian and wetland areas. These concerns varied from one decade to the next, giving rise to incremental modification of the BLM’s riparian policies and procedures. Some of these changes are indicated on Appendix A. But there were also rational underpinnings justifying these shifts, just as there were external group dynamics affecting the picture. Although incremental changes seemed to dominate the pattern between these two Initiatives, certain policy readjustments that were made originated from serious thought and reflection on the part of government bodies and the private sector. How the BLM’s national policies were implemented, under both Initiatives, as a result of State and local pressures will also be examined, especially with reference to New Mexico’s Riparian-Wetland strategy for the entire 1985-1997 period under consideration (Woodard, 1990).

A definition of the primary features of riparian areas seems necessary, from a content standpoint, prior to analyzing the two BLM Initiatives. Riparian areas are the green zones in proximity to streams and rivers. They also include sectors near marshes, bogs and swamps. Some meadows are continuously wet, and these are also riparian zones under the BLM’s guidelines. Usually, the types of vegetation in zones contiguous to riparian areas are those shown on Figure I below, adapted from "Riparian Area Management", Bureau of Land Management, 1987.

With this in mind, it is crucial to examine the priorities of the 1985 BLM Initiative in terms of content, values, and policy process.

Understandably, there were concrete activities resulting from these many Habitat and Riparian zone publications, all of which approved and authorized the accomplishment of specific objectives. Among these activities were the inventorying of nearly 800,000 acres of riparian lands, all adjacent to precious water resources such as lakes, rivers and streams. There were also projects undertaken to improve riparian-wetland areas; in fact, in the 1988-1989 timeframe, covered by the 1985-1989 Initiative, there were 1250 projects completed, plus 1060 more, from earlier years, were maintained and upgraded. There were also monitoring activities undertaken to protect and preserve hundreds of thousands of acres. Impressively, under the 1985 Initiative, the BLM proceeded with acquisition of impressive expanses of new lands and brought them ‘online’ as part of this program of riparian preservation. The BLM was primarily responsible, acting under DOI’s aegis, for all of the foregoing, but often interfaced with other governmental entities at the Federal, State and Local levels.

When examining the BLM policy process aspect of components of the 1985 Riparian-Wetland Initiative, it can be observed that policies and procedures were formulated only after an agenda-setting phase of discussion. Much of the agenda-setting was done in partnership with state and local agencies whose concerns were duly noted. The concerns of most participants revolved around preserving at-risk riparian lands that, historically, had supported dense vegetation, abundant wildlife and waterfowl. These lands, most ‘1985 Initiative’ participants felt, needed to be preserved for future generations of animals and for human recreational, aesthetic and educational purposes. These feelings were translated into policies for thousands of restoration projects (Jensen, 1997).

For example, in Roswell, New Mexico, there was a BLM project to restore the watershed and riverbanks of Bonito Creek that was considered a priority activity by residents of the area. Working in conjunction with the BLM, volunteers restored the area to its naturally flowing patterns – but only after Bonito Creek had been (1) placed on the agenda, (2) a restoration policy had been formulated and (3) a plan to modify and terminate the project had been established by at least two agencies, the BLM and the Rio Bonito Volunteer Project team. The modifications included, in this specific instance (one of thousands throughout the country), replanting, vegetation control and improvement of stream structures (Woodard, 1990). Termination of the project was jointly certified when all parties agreed that the creek bed had been stabilized and vegetation was well on its way to establishing itself permanently in areas designated by the plan. On federal lands, the BLM does not have to request state authority to proceed with improvement projects; however, it is courteous to inform all levels of government and engage in partnership type activities such as Bonito Creek. This realizes considerable savings of tax dollars and allows budgetary allocations to be re-channeled to high priority projects where needs may be great. So, one of the strategies of the BLM under the 1985 Initiative was to work with groups locally and to restore riverbanks in accordance with stipulated policies.

Under the 1985-1989 Initiative there were important ‘outputs’, but they focused on educational strategies and inventorying of potential and current problems in riparian zones. Additionally, there were less highly visible efforts in the areas of monitoring and maintaining of prior work accomplished. The below itemization is drawn from BLM data (1990) for the years 1988 and 89, to illustrate, a bit more clearly, the areas of emphasis at that time:

Examining the BLM’s problems nationwide, it can be stated that, from a ‘values’ standpoint, in the Far West, ranchers, almost invariably, are at odds with many BLM policies, particularly in riparian zones, where heavy cattle grazing and drinking present problems such as damage to riverbanks and vegetation growth. This was the case under the 1985 Initiative, although by 1991, under the following Initiative, there are indications that many of these confrontational postures had been resolved.

In the New England states, where socio-economic patterns are distinctly different, states like Connecticut have had riparian protection legislation in effect for nearly half a century. Here, the BLM worked efficiently with State authorities under the 1985 Riparian and Wetland Initiative to conserve, maintain and protect valuable water-resources and contiguous lands. One of the reasons that this process is so efficient in the Northeast is that there are conscientious interest groups that wield considerable power in state capitals like Hartford and Montpelier. With pro-environmental pressure placed on legislators, industrialists are having an increasingly difficult time attempting to expand their operations along rivers such as the Connecticut River or the Merrimack River. Under the 1985 Initiative there were strategies emerging to expand partnerships on the local level in order to find suitable compromises for many large- and small-scale problems. In fact, at the end of the 1985 Initiative, $650,000 had been allocated for studying the effectiveness of partnerships and for beginning to form several meaningful relationships with interested parties.

The primary thrust of the 1985 Initiative, however, seems to have been acquisition of riparian habitat that continued the old provisions of previous Initiatives and foreshadowed the priorities of the 1991 Initiative. In fact, the 1985 BLM Riparian Initiative aimed its primary budgetary thrust in the direction of Habitat Acquisition, since it devoted almost $24 million to this priority activity (BLM, 1990). It is true that these figures, quoted in a 1990 publication, had been projected beyond the actual phase of the 1985 Initiative into the 1990s for the decade ahead, but they demonstrated ‘late 1980s intent’ of the BLM to continue purchasing valuable riparian land from private owners in order to shield it from destructive activities, such as industrial or residential development and overgrazing (Belsky, 1999).

Both of the Initiatives under discussion blended in time and purpose in the 1989 to 1991 timeframe. What distinguishes their major content is the subtle shift in direction and content that could be construed as incremental in nature. There were also, as pointed out earlier, group pressures and rational processes underway concurrently. Nothing, on the federal level is simple, and several layers of thinking, within a full spectrum of federal environmental agencies, were developing during this timeframe within the BLM. State and local governments were also influencing thinking on a less expansive scale even within the BLM.

In Phoenix, Arizona, for example, there was a major National Riparian Service workshop in early 1996 entitled "Implementing Western Riparian Management" that brought together representatives from the BLM (specifically, Deputy Director Matt Millanbach) and officials from the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS), the Natural Resource Conservation Service (NRCS) and the National Riparian Service (NRS), among other agencies. Thinking was shared on an inter-level basis at this workshop and reprioritization of "content", as well as "agenda-setting", were in evidence during the proceedings. Sometimes even Canadian ministerial officials cooperate with U.S. agencies, although they did not attend this specific Phoenix conference (Nowlan, 1999).

It was determined that, in mid-stream of the BLM’s 1991-1997 Riparian Initiative, certain new directions would need to be taken to better coordinate riparian restoration and preservation activities. On Figure II below, some of the topics jointly discussed at this workshop are itemized. These proceedings, and similar sessions around the country, influenced the BLM to reprioritize its thinking – although many of the directions discussed at the workshop had been an integral part of BLM policy under its 1991-97 Riparian Initiative. Content, therefore, of the 1991 Initiative was incrementally influenced as a result of this, and similar, conferences.

As can be seen below, through interaction of several agencies, the BLM was able to collect data, share information and redesign its priorities as a function of sound scientific advice and interdisciplinary thinking.

Not only did priorities shift from the mere monitoring and educational policies of the 1985 Initiative, but a change in emphasis is noticeable between the 1985 Initiative and the 1991 Initiative in terms of the sheer scale of projects and activities.

Adapted from: Snow, J. "Implementing Western Riparian Management", Analysis of the 1996 Phoenix Conference, Boulder, Colorado, 1996.

The BLM expanded its range of projects, partially through earlier acquisition, but also through public pressure and enactment of guidelines and policies protecting watershed, water resources and timber in riparian zones. They did so, amazingly, in spite of budgetary constraints and limits, through cooperative arrangements with better-funded entities. This seemed evident at proceedings of the aforementioned workshop in Phoenix, where inter-agency collaboration was forthcoming. Interestingly, there are periodic conferences and workshops of this type held frequently. Another example is the Billings, Montana Riparian Resource Management Educational Workshop held in May of 1989 (Gresswell, et al, 1989).

The dependency of agenda-setting on the respect of overriding values is a well known facet of the policy process. Building on many of the concepts present in the earlier Initiative, the BLM remained faithful to its objectives to preserve and protect the nation’s riparian zones. It was important to identify new habitat and riparian management opportunities so that the decline mentioned at the Phoenix, and earlier, workshops, by the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service did not continue to rob future generations of Americans of waterfowl habitat, fishing areas, and recreational resources (Nowlan, 1999). These objectives were incorporated into the agenda set for the 1991 Initiative and were strengthened by on-going reflection, discussion and inter-group collaboration.

What seems to have taken place within the BLM at this time, from the policy formulation standpoint, was tied to a combination of circumstances. The Director was aware of his 1991 fiscal year budget limitations, yet had considerable financial and manpower resources already at his disposal. A list of activities from the previous Initiative was available and there was a strong temptation to incrementally continue those programs and projects already underway. This was, in fact, done, but new concepts also emerged during the formulation period. The concepts would not be implemented all at once, but in sages, phased in as climatic, logistical or staffing requirements demanded. For example, there was a four-pronged goal-oriented strategic stance adopted by the Bureau (1990).

Under this newly formulated plan the BLM had to expand its staffing and personnel needs by 300 employees. Of that total, there were five new Riparian Coordinators hired and 55 temporary workers assigned to certain riparian and restoration projects during the initial phase of the 1991-1997 Initiative (BLM, 1990).

The values assignable to this 1991-1997 Initiative were essentially those of the previous years. All values were geared toward environmentalism, preservation, protection and restoration. Priorities were assigned on the basis of these significant pro-nature values. If tensions arose during fulfillment and implementation of this Initiative, there seemed to be a concerted effort to mediate disputes whether among ‘sometimes competing’ agencies or between the BLM and industrial/residential developers. Fortunately, a number of important pieces of legislation, such as the 19^th Century Organic Administrative Act and subsequent Acts, assisted the BLM, and cooperating agencies, in the enforcement of their priorities and in the achievement of their goals.

Although all of the BLM literature dating from the two periods in question could not be reviewed thoroughly for purposes of examining incremental, rational and group-based changes, several brochures, articles and manuals were consulted and analyzed. It appears that most of the modifications made in BLM policy were of an incremental nature.

Under the 1985 Initiative there was a preponderance of emphasis on educational programs aimed at sensitizing the public about the importance of preserving riparian areas to encourage sustenance of animal life and waterfowl, in particular. Inventorying was also an important activity under the 1985 Initiative. There was a shift in this approach under the 1991 Initiative that tended to de-emphasize both the passive inventorying process and the educational programs that did not result in tangible restoration of seriously jeopardized riparian zones under the BLM’s authority.

Changing focus from the educational mode, the 1991 Initiative intended to manage and restore more than 23.7 million acres of BLM property (1990). This was a major increase over the previous Initiative. During the policy process, it is obvious that an incremental shift took place in the thinking of BLM officials, perhaps influenced by inter-agency conferences and the outgrowths of partnership-type strategies from previous years. In the second Initiative, there was an aggressive approach adopted by the Bureau, which recognized that the battle to be fought was not an easy one, since riparian lands were being degraded on a widespread basis as residential developers purchased lush tracts beyond the traditional suburban boundaries of major urban centers. Increasingly, there was a tendency to develop purely rural land, as well, and this affected previously pristine riparian zones.

Indeed, the Bureau’s acquisition program attempted, under both Initiatives, to offset the damaging activities of industrial, commercial or housing developers. However, efforts were intensified, as the years went by, to manage, stabilize and restore wetland acreage almost as a reaction to demographic growth and increased commercialism in American society. Thus, incremental change was a consequence of subtle modification of the status quo.

As a result of the partnerships created on thousands of Riparian Projects in the 1985 timeframe, there were group pressures at work as well, gradually pushing the BLM in directions that may have influenced policy under the 1985 Initiative. This seemed to be less the case under the 1991 Initiative where professional thought, rather than community preferences, dominated the decision-making process. There was a total of about $61 million placed at the BLM’s disposal for riparian projects in the first portion (1991-1995) of the second Initiative. Half of this sum was spent on actual riparian development activity, whereas only $10 million was allocated to on-going inventorying and coordination (BLM,1990). Still, even under the more aggressive 1991 Initiative, 17% seems an inordinately large amount of money going for passive monitoring and administrative tasks. Nonetheless, the quantity of actual restoration work was increased in comparison with previous efforts in the 1980s.

Keeping these shifts in emphasis in mind, how was actual policy formulation carried out under each Initiative and how did this process seem to culminate in a tangible, but incremental, modification of previous directions?

The State Director of the BLM in New Mexico, Larry Woodard, in 1990, may have partially answered this question by referring to the cooperative thought-process and the values that drove his Bureau toward achievement of identified goals under the 1991 Initiative.

It is apparent that thinking in New Mexico was in agreement with the interactive, inter-agency and consultative approach used elsewhere in the United States by the BLM during the start up phase of the new Initiative. State Director Woodard does not exclude each interest-group from participation and stresses a public and private sector model. This could be construed as an incremental change since the 1985 Initiative does not place emphasis on actual cooperation with interest groups, except in a semi-confrontational manner (Woodard, 1990).

If incremental policy modifications took place in the protection, restoration and acquisition theaters of BLM activity, so too were there new strides made toward incorporation of rational thinking on the professional level to arrive at suitable, scientific and ecologically sound solutions. Although incremental change was present, perhaps even dominant, elements of rationalism, combined with the application of group-theory when interacting with external forces, created a 1991-1997 BLM Riparian Initiative that served as a model for the years to come, and one that, even today, is being implemented in the American Southwest where water resources are scarce, and in the Northeast where BLM riparian zones are more plentiful.

What really has to constitute the focus of attention for the BLM in the New Millennium ahead is acquiring additional lands from private owners before these precious resources are destroyed in the dubious name of ‘progress.’ The underlying theoretical approach to achieve that objective may not be incremental, but rather rational and highly assertive.

It was especially instructive to examine two BLM Riparian-Wetland Initiatives and to determine, insofar as feasible, the guiding philosophies and policy-making and formulation processes used under each. Earlier usefulness of partnerships, community cooperation and volunteer approaches seemed to have given way to higher priority on riparian land acquisition and on more fully professional decision-making under the 1991-1997 Initiative. The lessons that can be learned from observing incremental development of content under both Initiatives, and the manner in which this ‘content’ was implemented are indeed significant. Although the values for both Initiatives were essentially the same – obviously in favor of preservation, ecological balance and protection of water resources and adjacent lands – the means of achieving solutions to pressing riparian problems were noticeably different.

What seems to have emerged from this study was a new awareness of the policy processes that shaped the thinking and therefore the actual projects impacting the welfare of riparian areas in the United States and, through literature from the BC Ministry of the Environment, Canada (Nowlan, 1999). Through use of examples like the Rio Bonito project in Roswell, NM, the nature and degree of partnerships and volunteer projects were also clarified. The implications of the types of process thinking that were explored in this report are quite vast. The policies of the Bureau of Land Management, and of its subsidiary agencies, can certainly be applied internationally.

In countries like Thailand where water resources, and particularly rivers, are extremely critical for socio-economic activities, it was indispensable to learn more about riparian restoration from the Bureau of Land Management and other U.S. Federal Environmental Agencies. The rivers in Thailand were once pure and clean. Now, however, many of them are polluted, especially the Chawpraya River in Bangkok, and by applying the knowledge acquired during research for this paper, it may be possible to formulate government policies which could result in preserving some of the riparian and wetland areas associated, upstream from Bangkok, with this river and its tributaries.

Whether changes in Thailand can be incremental is open to further investigation; however, all three policy-process modes (incrementalism, group-theory, and rationalism) seem to be valid operative concepts applied successfully under both BLM Riparian Initiatives throughout the United States. The predominance of the incremental approach was apparent between these two specific Initiatives, although there was certainly evidence for inclusion in the policy-process of external interest-group pressure and professional rationalism.

Belsky, A.J., Matzke, A., Uselman, S. "Survey of Livestock Influences on Stream and Riparian Ecosystems in the Western United States", Journal of Soil and Water Conservation, 54:1999, 419-431.

Gresswell, R, Barton, B., Kershner, J. Practical Approaches to Riparian Resource Management: An Educational Workshop, May 8-11, 1989, U.S. Department of the Interior, Billings, Montana, 1989.

Jamison, G. Riparian-Wetland Initiative for the 1990s, Bureau of Land Management, U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C., Sept. 1990

Jensen, R. Mission Statement, BLM’s National Riparian Service Team / Ideas and Resources,

…………………. Riparian Area Management, Bureau of Land Management, U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C. 1987.

Woodard, L., New Mexico Riparian Wetland 2000: A Management Strategy, New Mexico State Office (Santa Fe), Bureau of Land Management, US Department of the Interior, October 1990.